Lingua Aegyptia 18 (2010) – Table of Contents
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C O N T E N T S
| Articles | ||
| Niv Allon | At the Outskirts of a System.Classifiers and Word Dividers in Foreign Phrases and Texts | 1–17 |
| This paper aims to explore the Egyptian classifier system as it appears in transliterated foreign texts from the New Kingdom and the Late Period. At the center of the paper stands a scribal tradition in which classifiers are used in a unique and innovative function. In the restricted environment of foreign texts, the A2 and T14 classifiers function mostly metatextually, marking the linguistic environment of the text as foreign. The semantic change underwent by the two classifiers shares many features of a cross-linguistic phenomenon of pragmaticalization. | ||
| Mathew Almond | Language Change in Greek Loaned Verbs | 19–31 |
| Verbs of Greek origin appearing in Coptic are often accompanied by a native verb, which may at one point have facilitated their integration into the Egyptian language. However, among our earliest Coptic literary and documentary texts this practice is already inconsistent, with single texts varying in their application or omission of a native auxiliary. This phenomenon has received much attention lately, particularly in light of broader studies on loan-verb typology, which have offered new insights for the diachrony of Coptic verbal borrowing. This paper will build upon such recent efforts by examining the seemingly erratic use of the auxiliary verb in a selection of fourth-century texts, appearing in the minor Coptic dialects. Due to the situation of these texts, both temporally and dialectally, they allow us to see what significance the auxiliary has for verbal borrowing, and to illuminate the factors contributing to the variation in its usage. | ||
| Francis Breyer | Kleinasiatisches Lokalkolorit in der Geschichte des Wenamun | 33–40 |
| Wenamun's report on his adventures in the East Mediterranean has always been of interest not only for philologists, but for linguists as well. In my doctoral thesis on the contacts between Egypt and Anatolia in the 2nd millenium B.C., I have discovered some 40 new hittite and luwian loanwords in egyptian texts. A significant number of them occur in the story of Wenamun: there is ḫ-bꜢ-:r "trade (partner)" from hittite ḫappar- "trade, price", which presumably was part of some kind of levantine trader's jargon. Like many of the other anatolian loanwords in Egyptian, wꜢ-šꜢ "attack, advance, to squeeze through", which is related to cuneiform luwian u̯isi- "press" and milyian u̯is(e)i- "press", is part of military slang. Two more lexemes (ḫ-(ı͗)-čꜢ-n-Ꜣ "salad, a vegetable" < hitt. hazuwanni- "salad, herbs" and ḫ-(ı͗)-r-ṭ-(ı͗) "a garnment" < hitt. TÚGhulta- "a garnment") denote obviously very common commodities. Having analyzed the phonological aspects involved, the motivation of those words being borrowed are evaluated in more detail, shedding new light on the cultural koiné of the Levant at that particular period. | ||
| Roman Gundacker | Eine besondere Form des Substantivalsatzes. Mit besonderer Rücksicht auf ihre dialektale und diachrone Bedeutung | 41–117 |
| Until now, it is the communis opinio that the dependent personal pronoun is excluded from the nominal sentence proper (substantival sentence). However, there are tripartite substantival sentences with a dependent personal pronoun as their third element, i.e. as their subject proper. The tripartite substantival sentence (A pw B) is an extension of a bipartite pattern which may be described as A pw -> A pw B in a diachronical perspective, but also as A B -> A pw B in a synchronical one. Thus, sentences of the pattern substantive/absolute personal pronoun - pw - dependent personal pronoun point to the existence of a bipartite pattern substantive/absolute personal pronoun - dependent personal pronoun. The latter pattern is attested for interrogative constructions (interrogative pronoun - dependent personal pronoun) and several personal names. According to the material investigated the dependent personal pronoun was abandoned from the affirmative substantival sentence rather early, and later on also from the interrogative substantival sentence. This allows furthermore for the reconstruction of a dialectal scenario which can explain this peculiar development. | ||
| Alexander Ilin-Tomich | Two Notes on Middle Kingdom Annals | 119–129 |
| The first part of the paper deals with a fragment from Cairo published by Daressy in Annales du Service des antiquités de l'Égypte 4 (1903), 102. It is argued that this piece formed part of an annalistic monument. The comparison with the annals of Senwosret I and Amenemhat II as well as the Old Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period annals leads to a conclusion that the original text dates in the Middle Kingdom. As indicated by the orthography the preserved piece belonged to a late copy. A complete transliteration and translation of the piece are given. The second part concerns the word ḏḥꜤꜤt occurring in the annals of Amenemhat II. H. Altenmüller and A. Moussa have translated it as a “six-spoked wheel”. However, the archaeological data and the context make this rendering unlikely. It is suggested that the term could denote a cheekpiece of a bridle bit. | ||
| Jean-Marie Kruchten † | Les serments des stèles frontières d'Akhénaton. Origine du Futur III & dynamique de l'apparition et de l'extension de l'auxiliaire ı͗rı͗ | 131–167 |
| Starting from the discovery of early examples of the "ı͗rı͗=Noun (subject) + adverbial syntagm" pattern in Akhnaten's oaths and in some contemporary covenants it has been possible both to account for the temporal (or modal) meaning of all the similar formations built with iri which appeared at the same time and to elucidate the - most puzzling and until now unanswered - oddities of the Late Egyptian verbal system (from Ockham's point of view, surely quite an achievement !) : (1) Why Late Egyptian has two second tenses instead of three, as it was the case at all the other stages of the language (Old & Middle Egyptians, Demotic and even Coptic) ? (2) Why, in this verbal category, the modal "emphatic" form ı͗.sḏm.f had a "simpler" look than that of the matching periphrastic indicative ı͗.ı͗rı͗.f sḏm (although we should have expected the opposite, since in most known languages it is the subjunctive that derives from the indicative) ? (3) What could account for the use of the verb iri in the Third Future, whenever the subject happened to be a noun, (4) and why in such a case was the preposition r before the infinitive dropped most of the time ? | ||
| Maxim Panov | Die Stele der Taimhotep | 169–191 |
| This new study of the well-known funerary stela from the late Ptolemaic Period aims at clarifying the reading of a number of troublesome lines and discusses their possible interpretations. Comparative analysis of the earlier editions has provided a ground for revealing inaccuracies that occur in the text. The paper contains a hieroglyphic transcription based on a thorough examination of a photograph of the original, transliteration and translation are accompanied by philological notes; as a supplementary a list of dictionary slips with the entire text copied by Sethe for the Wb. (from the Digital Slip Archive) is given. | ||
| Carsten Peust | Graphem- und Phonemfrequenzen im Meroitischen und mögliche Schlussfolgerungen | 193–208 |
| This article presents some statistical data on phoneme frequencies in running Meroitic texts. Such data can provide additional evidence for evaluating the sound values of the Meroitic letters. My conclusions include that spoken /n/ was probably often left unwritten at the end of a syllable, that <e> is likely to normally stand for a vowel and not for the absence of a vowel, that <d> should be interpreted as a plain /d/ rather than a retroflex consonant, and that <ḫ> and <ẖ> stand for voiced velar plosives. | ||
| Carsten Peust | Zur Aussprache des Beta im Koptischen. Evidenz aus der Toponymie | 209–215 |
| I examine modern Egyptian toponyms derived from Egyptian/Coptic words that contain the letter b. It turns out that b normally survives as b in Lower Egypt and as f in Upper Egypt. This is interpreted as a Late Coptic dialectal distinction in the pronunciation of this letter. | ||
| Gunnar Sperveslage | Das Kongruenzverhalten von Adjektiven im Altägyptischen | 217–251 |
| This contribution deals with the agreement in gender and number of adjectives in Old Egyptian and the so-called defective writing of morphological endings. The occurrences of nisba, participial adjectives and the indefinite pronoun nb in the corpus of the Pyramid Texts and Urkunden I have been examined. For nisba and participial adjectives, a diachronic development of agreement could be observed, whilst agreement of the indefinite pronoun amounts to 30% in Dynasty V down until the reign of Djedkara, but then decreases towards the end of the Old Kingdom, suggesting that nb was not differentiated in gender and number. An ending .t or .w, respectively, was only added occasionally on analogy to nouns and other adjectives or as a classifier. | ||
| Sami Uljas | Formally Speaking. Observations on a Recent Theory of the Earlier Egyptian sḏm.n=f | 253–261 |
| The present article provides an assessment of a recent theory of two morphologically different sḏm.n=f forms in Earlier Egyptian. The evidence offered in favour of this hypothesis is re-evaluated and its wider theoretical implications discussed. It is suggested that the proposed division is perhaps not entirely secure and that the older idea of the Earlier Egyptian sḏm.n=f as a formal unit might yet turn out to be correct. | ||
| BOOK REVIEWS | ||
| Ludwig D. Morenz | Der existentielle Vorwurf - an wen ist er adressiert? Überlegungen anläßlich einer Neubearbeitung der Admonitions (also a review of Enmarch, A World Upturned. Commentary and Analysis of The Dialogue of Ipuwer and the Lord of All) | 263–267 |
| Ariel Shisha-Halevy | Topics in Coptic Syntax: Structural Studies in the Bohairic Dialect (Frank Feder) | 269–278 |
| Martin Andreas Stadler | Weiser und Wesir. Studien zu Vorkommen, Rolle und Wesen des Gottes Thot im Ägyptischen Totenbuch (Louise Gestermann) | 279–289 |
| Khaled El-Enany | Le Petit Temple d'Abou Simbel. Paläographie (Carsten Knigge Salis) | 291–300 |
| Verena M. Lepper | Untersuchungen zu pWestcar. Eine philologische und literaturwissenschaftliche (Neu-)Analyse (Alexandra von Lieven) | 301–305 |
| Chloé Ragazzoli | Éloges de la ville en Égypte ancienne (Angela McDonald) | 307–310 |
| Pierre Grandet | Catalogue des Ostraca Hiératiques Non Littéraires de Deîr el-Médineh, Tome XI (Nos 10124–10275) (Matthias Müller) | 311–318 |
| Tonio S. Richter | Rechtssemantik und forensische Rhetorik, 2., überarbeitete Auflage (Siegfried G. Richter) | 319–320 |
| Johanna Brankaer | Coptic. A Learning Grammar (Sahidic) (Tonio Sebastian Richter) | 321–325 |
| Hartwig Altenmüller | Einführung in die Hieroglyphenschrift, 2., überarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage (Wolfgang Schenkel) | 327–333 |
| Ben J.J. Haring & Olaf E. Kaper (eds.) | Pictograms or Pseudo-Script? Non-Textual Identity Marks in Practical Use in Ancient Egypt and Elsewhere (Ian Shaw) | 335–337 |
| Paul J. Frandsen | Incestuous and Close-Kin Marriage in Ancient Egypt and Persia: An Examination of the Evidence (David A. Warburton) | 339–346 |
| Kai Widmaier | Landschaften und ihre Bilder in Ägyptischen Texten des zweiten Jahrtausends v. Chr. (David A. Warburton) | 347–357 |
| Rainer Hannig | Zur Paläographie der Särge aus Assiut (Harco Willems) | 359–366 |
| Books Received | 367 | |
| Addresses Of The Authors | 369–370 |
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